Unveiling the Secrets of El Yunque: A Closer Look at the Mysterious Organization

Alvaro Delgado, the director of investigations at Sin Embargo, discusses the recent premiere of the first episode of a 5-part series on the secretive organization El Yunque. The organization, founded in Mexico in the 1950s and now present in many countries, including Spain, has influenced the leader of the Vox party, Santiago Abascal. The first episode received a positive reception with up to 13,000 live viewers, and it is expected to surpass 100,000 views.

The series aims to inform the audience and generate questions about the El Yunque organization. Despite previous coverage by Alvaro Delgado and others, there are still people unfamiliar with the organization's details and significance. The series, created by Alvaro Delgado and Alejandro Paez Varela, seeks to provide in-depth information and spark curiosity among viewers.

The El Yunque organization, originally founded in the 1950s to combat communism globally, continues to uphold anti-communist sentiments in 2021. Despite some shifts towards populism, the organization still uses anti-communism as a central ideology. Recent tweets from El Yunque members reflect a commitment to fighting communism, indicating a persistent adherence to this core belief.

The El Yunque organization emerged in the state of Puebla, Mexico, consisting of young individuals who grew up in a context of Catholic education and a worldview aligned with Catholicism. The organization was formed in a period of tension during the 1950s, post-World War II, characterized by the rivalry between the communist bloc and the Western bloc led by the USA. The Catholic Church, with significant influence, called on Catholics to engage in politics, setting the international and national context for the organization's inception.

The formation of El Yunque was influenced by various factors, including the historical persecution of Catholics in Mexico, the founding of the conservative National Action Party (PAN) in reaction to the oil expropriation of 1938, and the socialist education policies under President Lazaro Cardenas. In Puebla, the presence of conservative forces in the university and the clash with liberal ideas among professors and students created a fertile ground for the organization to oppose perceived enemies advocating for socialism.

The Archbishop Marquez y Toriz, a conservative archbishop in Puebla, played a pivotal role in organizing the youth, along with the Jesuit priest Manuel A. Figueroa, known as 'Father Bolita.' Father Figueroa, previously associated with the secretive group 'Los Tecos' at the University of Guadalajara, brought knowledge of clandestine organizations to the youth. Inspired by papal instructions to engage in politics, they mobilized to defend the Catholic Church against perceived enemies such as Freemasons, Jews, and Communists.

Over the past 70 years, the political landscape has drastically changed. The Soviet bloc no longer exists, communism is a thing of the past, and organizations like the Front Universitario Anticomunista in Puebla have faded into obscurity. The influence of groups like the Masons and international Judaism, which once held sway, has diminished significantly.

With advancements in technology and the flow of information, organizations like El Yunque have adapted their methods and behaviors. While the threat of communism has waned, they continue to perceive a danger to Christian civilization, now associating it with populism in Latin America, exemplified by figures like Nicolás Maduro and Hugo Chávez.

Despite the decline of communism, remnants of conspiracy theories persist, linking figures like Andrés Manuel López Obrador to outdated ideologies. Antisemitism and anti-Masonic sentiments still linger, fueling right-wing extremism in countries like Mexico, Spain, Argentina, Colombia, and Chile.

The dissemination of conspiracy theories and extremist ideologies has found a new battleground in social media. This digital landscape has intensified ideological disputes, not only in politics but also in public discourse. Figures like Santiago Abascal have capitalized on this platform to generate political upheaval.

Questions arise regarding the origins and international connections of El Yunque. Enquiries about similar organizations in other countries, such as Blanc Pilán and NBA, suggest a global network of political entities. There is curiosity about the reach of El Yunque beyond the upper class, pondering its potential influence on the middle and lower classes.

The political spectrum in Mexico is diverse, with various left-wing and ultra-left-wing groups existing both in Mexico and globally. It is important to note that there is not just one right-wing or ultra-right-wing faction, as organizations like the National Organization of Lyon represent only a fraction of the extreme right in Mexico and worldwide.

In Mexico, there is a common misconception that El Yunque represents the entire ultra-right or the conservative sector of the PAN party. However, El Yunque is a distinct force with its own origins, structure, ideology, methods, and goals. While it may align with other right-wing and extreme right-wing entities, it is not synonymous with the PAN party as a whole.

The National Organization of El Yunque has unique characteristics, aiming to train individuals for political participation and power acquisition with the goal of evangelizing institutions and establishing a theocratic model where religion plays a prominent role. Despite some modifications in practices and objectives, the fundamental project remains the integration of government and the church in Mexico, challenging the separation of political and religious power.

El Yunque, a secretive organization, operates not only in Mexico but also in countries like Spain, where it gained significant influence since the 1970s. In Spain, there have been efforts to expose the harmful nature of El Yunque, even by members of the Catholic Church who have recognized its negative impact. This contrasts with Mexico, where most bishops are aware of El Yunque's existence and many support its activities.

El Yunque, a secretive organization, operates not only in Spain but also in countries like Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Brazil, the USA, Belgium, France, and Asian countries. The organization's existence is not easily reportable due to its secretive nature.

Right-wing and extreme right-wing forces can have organic links with secretive organizations like El Yunque, often based on shared agendas. Examples include the strong ties between the Catholic Church and ultra-right forces in countries like Poland and Spain.

The influence of Catholicism, especially in countries like Poland and Spain, has played a significant role in the rise of right-wing movements. The connection between the Catholic Church and ultra-right forces has led to the emergence of parties like Vox in Spain.

El Yunque primarily recruits from the middle and lower classes, demanding radical loyalty from its members. While the organization may not attract the upper class, some high-profile individuals support El Yunque due to shared interests and priorities.

El Yunque recruits members from lower-income areas, often targeting individuals in popular neighborhoods through parish connections. The organization's appeal to the upper class lies more in congregations like the Legionaries of Christ and Opus Dei, which share similar agendas but are not organically part of El Yunque.

Mexico has a tradition of secret organizations rooted in its strong Catholic background. The involvement of priests in movements like the independence revolution, with figures like Miguel Hidalgo and Morelos, and the use of religious symbols like the Virgin of Guadalupe, highlights the influence of religion in Mexican history.

The history of Mexico reflects a struggle between the power of the church and the state. Efforts to separate the two, such as the laws of reform in 1857, aimed to limit the influence of the Catholic Church on political matters. However, conflicts arose, leading to the Cristero War in the 1920s, resulting in significant casualties on both sides.

After the Cristero War, resistance movements emerged, giving rise to both secret and public organizations. The University of Guadalajara was founded in the 1930s as an alternative to public education, supported by the Leaño family and other capitalists in Jalisco. This period also saw the creation of the 'Tecos,' a secret organization led by Carlos Cuesta Gallardo, openly sympathetic to Nazism and fascism.

The Tecos organization expanded in Mexico, particularly in Mexico City, known as the Federal District. They targeted young students, including those at the UNAM, to attract followers. Additionally, they provided guidance to the members of El Yunque in Puebla.

The Tecos organization faced a division in 1966, stemming from a fundamental event in the church related to the Second Vatican Council. This event led to a split within the Tecos, with some members opposing the changes in the Catholic Church.

Tension arose between Tecos and El Yunque due to differing views on the changes in the Catholic Church. While El Yunque supported the reforms, Tecos labeled Pope Paul VI as a Jew and communist. This ideological clash eventually led to violent confrontations, such as the murder of two youths in 1975.

Tecos were characterized as deeply fascist, while El Yunque members were seen as more moderate in their approach. Tecos tended to align with the PRI in states like Jalisco, Colima, Chihuahua, and Sonora, whereas El Yunque leaned towards the PAN. Despite some overlap, these organizations had distinct ideological stances.

Both Tecos and El Yunque originated from similar roots but diverged in their ideologies. Understanding the fascist origins of these organizations is crucial, especially in the context of the country and the world. It is essential to differentiate between the two groups, particularly in their historical contexts.

El Yunque aims to create individuals who are part monk and part soldier. These individuals are expected to be devout followers of the Catholic Church, willing to make sacrifices, and also act as soldiers of God, ready to defend the church's interests.

El Yunque, also known as the National Organization of El Yunque, originated from a phrase by San Ignacio de Antoquia about being as firm as an anvil when struck. This led to the organization being named 'El Yunque,' symbolizing strength and resilience. In Spain, due to constitutional restrictions on secret and paramilitary organizations, El Yunque had to register as the 'Organization of the Common Good,' reflecting its clandestine nature.

Prospective members of El Yunque undergo a ceremony where they pledge absolute loyalty to the organization above all else, including family. They vow to keep the organization's existence a secret and adhere to the principle that 'obedience prevents mistakes.' This strict ideology forms the core of El Yunque's structure and operations.

El Yunque's structure is meticulously designed to maintain secrecy and compartmentalization. It operates like an inverted pyramid, with basic cells at the top, each unaware of other cells. Leaders of these cells form higher structures, creating layers of isolation. This complex hierarchy ensures that even basic members are unaware of the organization's full extent, making it challenging to uncover.

El Yunque strategically uses front organizations like the National Pro-Life Committee, National Union of Parents, and National Civic Association to operate publicly while concealing its true agenda. These fronts serve as a facade for El Yunque's clandestine activities, allowing it to exert influence and control without direct attribution.

Various organizations like the Front National por la Familia in Mexico and HazteOir in Spain, along with others, have been associated with El Yunque. While not all members of these organizations are part of El Yunque, the leaders and directors usually are. Understanding the structure and dimensions of El Yunque has been challenging, with even Mexico's political police and the CISEN struggling to grasp it fully. Insight into El Yunque's inner workings has only been possible through members willing to speak out.

Viewers are encouraged to watch the second chapter of the discussion, available on the channel's YouTube page. The host extends an invitation for the audience to join the upcoming episodes for more surprising revelations and insights.

The host expresses gratitude to the guest, Alvaro, for clarifying doubts and promises to address accumulated questions in future episodes. Viewers are urged to watch the show for verified and substantiated information, including firsthand accounts from members of El Yunque with real names, surnames, and pseudonyms.