The Susurluk Scandal and Turkey's Political Evolution: A Complex Interplay of History and Ideology

In November 1996, a black Mercedes crashed near Susurluk in Western Turkey, killing three passengers instantly. Among the victims were Abdullah Catli, a notorious Contract Killer and leader of the fascist Gray Wolves, and Istanbul Deputy Police Chief Hussein Kojada. The incident revealed a shocking connection between a police chief, a politician, and a criminal, raising questions about their association.

Following the Susurluk Scandal, a parliamentary investigation uncovered a vast Shadow Network involving Turkish police, military, Secret Service, politicians, criminal bosses, fascist paramilitaries, and the CIA. This network was united by a common goal to eliminate communism, shedding light on one of the bloodiest and most mysterious periods in modern Turkish history.

Turkey, situated on the Anatolian peninsula in Western Asia, spans two continents, making it a regional power of significance. As an early member of NATO, Turkey hosts the Incirlik Air Base operated by the U.S. Air Force. Ankara serves as the capital, Istanbul as the primary Financial Hub, and the Turkish Armed Forces constitute the second largest standing military force in NATO.

Since 2002, Turkey has been under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Erdogan's leadership has seen economic challenges, a shift to an executive presidential system, and erosion of the separation of powers. The upcoming general election on May 14 is expected to be contentious, with Erdogan's opponent, the leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), forming an alliance appealing to voters across the political spectrum.

In 1923, after the Ottoman Empire's collapse, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed following the war of independence led by the country's first president, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Ataturk, honored as the father of the Turks, founded the Republican People's Party (CHP). Despite the proclamation of independence, Turkey's political landscape retained elements of imperialism and a fascistic character.

Before the war of independence, the Ottoman Empire, considered the sick man of Europe, faced economic dependency on Germany and pressure to fight in World War One. After losing to the Central Powers, it was pillaged by French and British capital, leading to the emergence of the Turkish ruling class that united with the bourgeoisie and feudal gentry to establish the Republic under a one-party state. Despite formal abolishment of the sultanate, the Turkish economy remained dependent on foreign companies, resulting in a trade deficit in the 1940s and hindering independent industrial development.

The Turkish capitalist class profited significantly from collaboration with imperialists, exploiting the toiling masses, seizing properties of Anatolian Greeks and Armenians, and pandering to rising communism and anti-communism. This collaboration led to a massive fortune for the capitalist class, which criticized the Turkish left for proposing alliances with the chemist movement, emphasizing the camelist dictatorship's covert collaboration with imperialists and anti-communist actions.

Marxist ideas began to penetrate Turkish society in the late 19th century, leading to the emergence of various Turkish communist groups. Some Turkish workers in Germany, known as the Turkish Spartacus, joined forces with Rosa Luxembourg and other Spartacus members, aiming to bring the lessons of the November Revolution back to Turkey. These groups eventually merged to form the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) in Baku in 1920.

The Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) faced severe suppression, with its founder Mustafa Sufi and the entire leadership brutally assassinated in 1920. Mustafa Kemal established a fake puppet Communist party to counter the actual communists, leading to the banning of the real Communist party in 1925. Throughout the 20th century, the TKP had to operate underground due to continuous government crackdowns.

In 1927, railway workers organized a massive strike against a French company in Turkey, resulting in a two-week strike that was violently suppressed by the camelist government. The government dispatched a military unit that opened fire on unarmed workers and their families, leading to casualties. The government further enacted laws inspired by Mussolini's fascist Penal Code, prohibiting class-based associations and imposing the death penalty on their leaders.

The Ataturk reforms transformed Turkey into a secular modern state, aiming to create a homogeneous society. While these reforms modernized the country, they also sought to homogenize the population, leading to the suppression of diverse cultural and political expressions in the pursuit of a unified Turkish identity.

The minority ethnic group of Kurds in Turkey, comprising 20 to 25 percent of the population, faced brutal repression. Ataturk, the leader, banned the Kurdish language in schools, public spaces, newspapers, and parties. Hundreds of thousands of Kurds were forcibly deported to 'turkeyfy' the region. The state initiated a pogrom, burning villages and killing over 15,000 people. Turkish armed forces crushed Kurdish rebellions, leading to the Dersim genocide where tens of thousands were massacred.

From 1935, German imperialism regained influence over Turkey, training soldiers and supplying armaments. The Nazis found admiration among Turkish ultra nationalists. Colonel Alpertland Turkish, a key figure, had strong ties with Nazi Germany, quoting Hitler's Mein Kampf and supporting Hitler and Mussolini. Pan-Turkist movements aimed for racial superiority and unification of Turkic peoples, linking ideology to the destruction of the Soviet Union and communism.

The pseudoscientific Pan-Turkism movement sought racial superiority and cultural unification of Turkic peoples. It tied its ideology to the destruction of the Soviet Union and communism. Turkey declared war on Germany in 1945, aligning with the United States post-World War II. Pan-Turkist leaders collaborated with the U.S., playing a key role in unleashing fascist violence against the left in Turkey.

In 1947, U.S. President Harry Truman announced the Truman Doctrine to contain the Soviet Union and rising communist organizations in Greece and Turkey. Congress approved $400 million in military and economic assistance for Greece and Turkey. Turkey joined the Marshall Plan in 1948, becoming a chief imperialist partner of the United States. The U.S. played a significant role in shaping Turkey's post-World War II trajectory.

In 1948, Ibrahim Kaypakkaya, born into a poor peasant family in Northern Turkey, emerged as a revolutionary communist figure. Considered a serious threat by the Turkish state, he symbolized camaraderie and armed struggle for the Turkish proletariat. Amidst changes in the Turkish ruling class and the formation of competing cliques, Kaypakkaya represented a challenge to the government and the emerging imperialist world order.

Mustafa Kemal, known as the right-hand man of Mustafa Kemal, understood the importance of including opposition parties in Turkey to prevent social rebellion. The opposition, comprising the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlords clique, sought similar privileges. The international situation compelled the bourgeoisie and landlords to adopt Parliament to avoid exposing a fascist image, masking fascism in Turkey.

The Turkish government introduced a trade union law under the guise of Western democracy, legalizing trade unions but prohibiting strikes. The unions were required to be apolitical and nationally oriented, aiming to control the labor movement. The Ministry of Labor, with U.S. advisors like Irving Brown, established the Confederation of Turkish Workers Union, which received funding from the U.S. to combat communism.

Irving Brown, along with J. Lovestone, organized against communist influence in labor movements by funding anti-communist currents that broke strikes in countries like Italy and France. This interference aimed to pacify workers and prevent the development of revolutionary consciousness, showcasing the extent of Western powers' efforts to hinder worker movements.

After the DP's rise to power, Turkey aligned with American interests by sending troops to the Korean War in 1950 to secure NATO membership. The DP's policies coincided with American desires for privatization and westernization in Turkey, enhancing its electoral prospects. The U.S. intensified anti-communist measures, targeting not only Marxists but also intellectuals and journalists, while promoting westernized education and anti-communist propaganda.

Turkey received significant U.S. military aid, totaling over 400 million US dollars by 1951, with additional support amounting to 5.8 billion US dollars over the next three decades. This aid came with conditions such as restructuring the military and purchasing U.S. products. The U.S. directed Turkey towards building highways and airports, favoring imports of automobiles and petroleum for profit. Turkey officially joined NATO in 1952, becoming crucial for Western powers in guarding NATO's borders and serving U.S. strategic interests.

In the shadows of NATO's membership announcement, a secret fascist network began spreading its influence in Turkey due to its alignment with U.S. imperialism. This network, known as Operation Gladio, was a secret army intelligence complex organized by NATO, the CIA, and European intelligence agencies to counter the Communist threat.

Operation Gladio, despite its vast power, remained largely secret for decades until the 1990s when Italian politician Giulio Andreotti officially revealed its existence. This revelation caused shockwaves globally.

Gladio's operations were particularly brutal in Italy, Greece, and Turkey. In Turkey, the secret army was the most violent, with its Turkish branch, codenamed Counter-Guerrilla, being founded in the same year as Turkey's NATO membership.

The Turkish branch of Gladio, Counter-Guerrilla, was located in Ankara and received financial support from the CIA. Former Nazi officers were involved in training Gladio leaders, and the organization played a role in crushing the Communist party in Turkey.

Gladio operations, including false flag actions and propaganda, were core tools used to manipulate events and shift blame. In Turkey, such tactics were employed to create chaos and suppress dissent, with the state supporting mob attacks against minority groups.

The Mandares government in Turkey faced increasing unpopularity due to economic challenges, including the depletion of Marshall Plan funds and a severe economic crisis. The government's focus on agriculture over heavy industry led to a trade deficit and reliance on foreign debt, ultimately leading to a loss of support from both Parliament and the people.

In 1960, Prime Minister Menders was deposed and executed in a coup d'etat by Military Officers in the Republic of Turkey. This marked the first of several coups in Turkey, leading to political instability and changes in leadership.

In 1965, former Prime Minister Turkish founded the National Action Party (MHP) in Turkey. Along with it, he established its Youth Organization and fascist paramilitary Wing known as the gray wolves. The MHP's ideology centered around the superiority of the Turkish race and the goal of creating a United Turk state from Eastern Europe to xinjiang.

The CIA initiated the formation of the gray wolves in Turkey to counter Communist efforts domestically and internationally. They trained Turkish paramilitaries to promote nationalism and suppress left-wing activists. The CIA's involvement in Turkey aimed to maintain control and influence in the region during the Cold War era.

In 1965, the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) was formed in Turkey with the assistance of the CIA. The MIT played a significant role in penetrating Turkish society and collaborating with the gray wolves. They operated out of a secret CIA-sponsored special Warfare Department in Ankara, focusing on countering communist threats and maintaining national security.

In 2008, court documents revealed that the MIT had funded and armed members of the gray wolves for political assassinations, including targeting Kurdish or Armenian Liberation Fighters. MIT members also cooperated with the Israeli mossad to eliminate Palestinians in Turkey. These actions highlighted the controversial and covert operations of the MIT in the country.

By the end of the 1960s, Turkey faced social unrest due to economic recession, labor strikes, student riots, and political assassinations. The country's adoption of five-year plans did not alleviate the situation, leading to intensified unrest and instability in various sectors of society.

During the 1960s, the working class in Turkey experienced rapid growth, with the number of wage earners increasing from 2.2 million to almost 4 million by 1970. This growth included 600,000 women who transitioned from working in agriculture or at home to wage-earning jobs.

The more liberal constitution of 1961 facilitated easier worker organizing in Turkey. As a result, trade union membership tripled to 1 million throughout the 60s, causing headaches among industry leaders. This led to increased labor unrest and demands for better working conditions.

In February 1969, during the so-called Bloody Sunday, left-wing students and workers protested against the arrival of the U.S. Sixth Fleet in Istanbul. The protest, led by figures like Denis Gazmish, was met with violent attacks by right-wing extremist groups, resulting in two deaths and over a hundred injuries.

In response to increased worker activism, the state-affiliated Turkish Trade Union Confederation requested an amendment to the Trade Union Law in 1970. This amendment aimed to close down more left-wing unions, leading to widespread protests and a historic workers' uprising in June 1970.

The massive workers' struggle in June 1970, considered one of the largest in Turkish history, signaled to Kaipakaya the maturity of the objective conditions for revolution in Turkey. The ruling classes viewed the uprising as the start of a systemic crisis in Turkish capitalism, prompting swift action to maintain control.

By the beginning of 1971, Turkey faced widespread social unrest, leading to the second coup. The military, dissatisfied with the chaos under Prime Minister Suleiman Demirel, demanded a strong government to neutralize the situation. Martial law was declared, leading to harsh repression, including bans on strikes, union meetings, and left-leaning publications.

The infamous Ziverbey Villa in Istanbul became a torture center where CIA-trained specialists, Gray Wolves, and the MIT interrogated and tortured individuals. The government escalated repression, amending the 1961 Constitution to crack down on left ideologies. Thousands faced sentences, torture, and bans on publications, while fascist groups remained untouched.

As repression and contradictions within Turkish society intensified, new organizations emerged in response to events in France, Vietnam, and China. Radical students formed notable organizations like THKO, THKPC, and the Communist Party of Turkey Marxist Leninist (TKP ML) with the immediate goal of revolution.

Founded by Ibrahim Kaypakkaya in 1972, the TKP ML accepted Maoist contributions as a higher stage in the development of Marxism. The party followed Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and advocated for waging revolution through protracted people's war. Kaypakkaya, a prominent theorist and organizer, emphasized the struggle against revisionism and Turkish chauvinism within the left.

Kaypakkaya, a key figure in socialism in Turkey, made fundamental theoretical contributions at a young age. He stressed the importance of combating revisionism to fight capitalism and Turkish chauvinism within the left. His emphasis on forming genuine unity among different nationalities and developing revolutionary consciousness remains relevant, highlighting the ongoing struggle against camelism within the Turkish left.

The National Intelligence Organization (MIT) considered Ibrahim Kaypakkaya's ideas as the most dangerous within the communist movement in Turkey. His advocacy for revolutionary communism posed a significant threat to the established order, leading the Turkish State to view his elimination as a matter of utmost urgency.

Denis Gasmish, a Kurdish student leader and founding member of THKO, was likened to a Turkish Che Guevara for his significant role in revolutionary activities. Despite facing arrests and injuries, Gasmish underwent guerilla training in Palestine Liberation Organization camps in Jordan. His involvement in actions like robbing banks and kidnapping U.S. soldiers in Ankara exemplified his commitment to revolutionary ideals.

In October 1971, Gasmich and 17 others were sentenced to death, which was approved by the parliament in 1972. Mahir Chayan, a self-described anti-revisionist Marxist Leninist, led an abduction to demand their freedom but was surrounded by Gladio counter-guerrilla forces resulting in a massacre in March 1972. Chayan died at age 26. Gasmich and his comrades were executed by hanging on May 6, 1972, with Gasmich's last words emphasizing independence, Marxism, and the fight against imperialism.

Fahimi Alton Bileck, a member of the counter-guerrilla forces, led an operation against revolutionaries, including Gasmich and his comrades. This operation, involving the Special Warfare Department, resulted in the execution of Gasmich and others. Fahimi played a key role in subsequent assaults on revolutionaries, showcasing the state's focus on suppressing dissent through military means.

While Chayan's TKPML focused on politicized military war strategy, Kaipakaya's THKP-C followed a guerilla-centric approach influenced by Che Guevara and Regis Debray. The TKPML emphasized the party's control over the guerilla, grounding the People's Army on mass support. Kaipakaya and his comrades engaged with villagers, organized actions against landlords, and faced military opposition, highlighting the challenges of revolutionary movements in Turkey.

The Turkish military, aided by the CIA and counter-guerrilla forces, employed tactics like disguising as revolutionaries to gather intelligence and terrorize sympathizers. Kaipakaya and Ali Haidar Yildas faced increased police and military terror, with torture and beatings becoming commonplace. The military's struggle against the people's war strategy, supported by the population, showcased the complexities of counterinsurgency efforts in the region.

Hildus, despite being unable to escape with the rest of the group, managed to survive in the Snowy Mountains for a few days with multiple bullets in his body. Unfortunately, he eventually succumbed to his wounds.

Kaipakaya sought refuge in a nearby village but was captured when a village resident recognized him. The military forces surrounded the village, and Lieutenant Femi confronted Kaipakaya, who defiantly refused to reveal any information despite brutal torture for over three months.

Kaipakaya, at the age of 25, died from torture on May 18, 1973, without revealing any secrets. His last words reflected his unwavering commitment to the Marxist-Leninist idea and the revolution, stating that he had no regrets and would continue to work for the proletariat.

By 1973, the leading cadres of the three main giria groups were eliminated, a significant victory for the fascist state. This paved the way for the rapid expansion of counter-garia operations.

In 1974, a new prime minister, Buland Ejevit of the CHP, was elected. He later ordered the invasion of Cyprus. The discovery of a U.S.-financed clandestine force in Turkey raised suspicions, cautioning against further investigation due to state secrets.

The latter half of the 1970s in Turkey was marked by a period described as a civil war. The Justice Party's Suleiman Demeral succeeded Ejevit as president, leading a coalition with right-wing parties, including the MHP, which intensified repression and implemented neoliberal policies, deepening the crisis.

Turkey experienced political instability with frequent changes in prime ministers during the 1970s. Despite this, the so-called deep state, comprising military officers, CIA assistance, and fascist militia detachments, remained constant, perpetuating repression and counter-guerilla activities.

The state bureaucracy, essential for any capitalist State apparatus, is often downplayed by liberals as a conspiracy theory. In reality, it is a stable bureaucracy in foreign policy, National Security, and lobbying, tied to the private sector, guarding the interests of the wealthy within capitalist class Society.

In 1977, during an international workers Day protest in Istanbul, over 500,000 protesters gathered at taxim square. Masked snipers opened fire on the crowd from nearby buildings like the Intercontinental Hotel, resulting in around 40 deaths, 200 injuries, and over 500 detentions by the police. The opposition suspected involvement of countergeria organizations and forces outside the control of the democratic state of law, with trade union leaders even pointing to CIA involvement.

Deputy State Attorney Don Urz, who concluded that military and civilian Security Services were behind the May Day massacre, was assassinated shortly after releasing his report. The killer, Ibrahim Chichi, a member of the gray wolves, openly confessed to the crime and mocked the courts for not being able to touch him. Despite his confession, he was set free and later became an official member of the MHP.

The Turkish state denied any involvement of the CIA in the May Day massacre and absurdly blamed the left for the killings. Not a single perpetrator was brought to justice, setting the stage for further massacres in the following years, including the bayazat massacre of 1978 at the University of Istanbul and the Bachelor Massacre in Ankara, both perpetrated by the gray wolves.

In December 1978, the gray wolves committed their most vicious massacre in Marash, where over a hundred Aleve Kurds and left-wingers were murdered. This region, already devastated by earthquakes, saw about 5,000 deaths in the 1970s, primarily targeting Communists, trade unionists, intellectuals, workers, and their families.

During the 1970s, Turkey experienced a wave of fascist attacks, with about 10 murders per day, totaling over 3,300 fascist attacks in 1978 alone. The Gray Wolves, in cooperation with the CIA, distributed weapons to various right-wing terrorist groups, leading to a significant loss of life.

Following the Marash massacre, martial law was declared in 14 provinces in Turkey. Despite the state's support for fascists and numerous deaths due to attacks, the growing revolutionary spirit among the masses persisted, prompting the ruling class to resort to military coups to maintain 'Law and Order' and suppress the left.

In the late 1970s, Turkey faced a severe economic crisis exacerbated by skyrocketing oil prices and triple-digit inflation. The military generals, dissatisfied with the political situation, orchestrated a coup in 1980 under the pretext of restoring political unity, leading to the imposition of martial law, banning of political parties, and execution of 50 individuals.

On the night of September 12, 1980, the Turkish Armed Forces initiated a coup, seizing control of Ankara and imposing martial law. Political parties were banned, strikes prohibited, and over half a million people detained, with many subjected to torture. The coup resulted in the execution of 50 individuals and widespread repression.

The military coup led to intensified repression against Kurdish people, including the banning of the Kurdish language and imprisonment of those speaking it. The founding of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in 1978 aimed to establish a Kurdish State through Revolution. The coup also targeted communism, assassinating leaders and eradicating working-class consciousness.

Foreign actors, such as the CIA station chief Paul Henson, played a role in promoting ideological shifts in Turkey. Henson encouraged the use of Islamism to counter Soviet ideology, highlighting the complex interplay of foreign interests in shaping domestic policies. The coup in Turkey reflected broader geopolitical strategies and challenges.

Under the guise of revitalizing the economy, the military coup in Turkey enforced economic changes to align with global capitalist interests. The replacement of the Central Bank head, who opposed the IMF, exemplified the subjugation of Turkey to the global capitalist system, impacting the working class and economic policies.

Foreign capital was allowed to pour into Turkey without control, leading to the privatization of various sectors and making the country more export-dependent. This move gave multinational corporations significant influence and reign over the economy.

During Cannon Evren's presidency in Turkey, the Banker's press showed increased enthusiasm. Numerous laws were passed, including those guaranteeing impunity for military Junta leaders and disciplining society militarily. A new constitution was also implemented.

In 1984, the PKK announced a full-scale uprising and declared war on the Turkish state. Alparslan Türkeş, imprisoned by the high command, faced execution. The CIA's intervention spared Türkeş, and Gray Wolves, previously imprisoned, were now enlisted to fight against the PKK.

The Turkish counterinsurgency used deceptive tactics, dressing up as PKK fighters to attack villages, commit abuses, and executions. Mosques were built to replace Alevism with Sunni Islam, Kurdish language and cultural expressions were banned, aiming to eliminate Kurdish identity with the help of American support.

Musa Anter, a member of the PKK Central Committee, protested against Turkish repression by setting himself on fire in 1982. His act marked the beginning of a series of resistance actions by political prisoners and became a symbol of Kurdish resistance against oppression.

Anti-communist clandestine structures persist, necessitating secrecy and violent support from the ruling class. Collaboration with fascists continues to suppress progressive ideas. Western interference, like Gladio in Turkey, boosted pseudo-left cameralism by underestimating counter-revolutionary power within the state.

The MHP in Turkey remains a powerful political force, having secured President Erdogan's re-election in 2018 through an alliance. Connections between Erdogan's party and the Gray Wolves, a far-right organization, are significant due to Erdogan's genocidal and chauvinistic administration.

The Gray Wolves, with over 18,500 members in Turkey, are the largest far-right organization in Germany. They are not only tolerated but actively encouraged by German right-wing politicians to terrorize the left. Despite being banned, their presence is significant.

Alparslan Turkes, a key figure in Turkish fascism, died peacefully in 1997 at the age of 80. His funeral, attended by 500,000 people, highlighted his influence and legacy in Turkish politics.

In 1990, following Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti's revelations about a secret NATO army, public pressure led to the acknowledgment of secret NATO troops in Turkey. The Turkish Gladio, a counter-guerilla unit, was tasked with organizing resistance against a communist occupation.

A report in the late 90s revealed the formation of an execution squad within the state, with all parts of the state aware of the crimes committed. The Turkish Human Rights Association documented around 3,500 state-supported crimes covered up by the government.

In 1997, millions of people in Turkey protested the lack of transparency and government's ties to criminal organizations by switching off lights for a minute at 9 pm. About 100,000 workers marched in Ankara demanding truth about the state's collaboration with the CIA and counter-guerrilla.

US imperialism has played a role in fostering Turkish fascism, suppressing the rising proletarian movement. The US prioritizes maintaining private property relations and hegemony, disregarding other concerns.

Despite challenges, the ruling classes cannot completely defeat communism. The struggle for self-determination of oppressed peoples like Kurds and Armenians continues. The collective consciousness of the proletariat in Turkey and Kurdistan serves as a lesson for future revolutionary movements.

The imperialist alliance with Turkish fascism aimed to contain revolutionary movements, but the fire of liberation cannot be extinguished. The struggle for liberation and justice persists despite attempts to suppress it.