The Political Landscape of Mexico in the 1960s: A Reflection on Gustavo Díaz Ordaz's Presidency

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz expresses pride in being the president of Mexico at 26 years old from 1968. He mentions the 'silent banqueta' organized by the Astral Council and the challenges faced during his presidency, characterized by brutal authoritarianism.

The period under Gustavo Díaz Ordaz's presidency is highlighted as a time of significant social well-being, reflecting a sense of prosperity and applause from the audience.

The 1968 movement's origins are discussed, questioning whether it arose spontaneously among rival school youth or if leaders strategically drove it forward. The movement culminated in the tragic events of October 2nd, aiming for a specific outcome despite facing challenges.

After leaving the presidency in 1976, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz reflects on his actions during the 1968 period, emphasizing the sacrifices made to 'serve and save the country.' He addresses criticisms and justifies his decisions, attributing the movement's strength to the challenges faced.

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz believed in a communist conspiracy and CIA involvement in the 1968 events. He justified his actions based on these beliefs, highlighting a sense of duty to protect the country from perceived threats, as indicated in secret communications between the US embassy and the State Department.

Two days before the October 2nd event, a schoolmate from primary school, who was a Trotskyist, warned the speaker not to attend the rally due to potential danger and manipulation by certain groups.

The speaker believes that the radical Trotskyist group, including members of the National Strike Council, orchestrated the massacre in Tlatelolco in 1968, manipulating the situation for their own agenda.

Trotskists were a faction within Mexican communism in 1968, aligned with the Communist Party of Mexico. Notable figures like José Revueltas and Diego Rivera were part of this group, known for their ideological influence in literature, art, and social activism.

Communism had a significant cultural impact in Mexico, permeating through literature, academia, and ideology. Artists like David Alfaro Siqueiros and Diego Rivera created murals reflecting socialist themes, funded by the government to promote cultural awareness.

Diego Rivera's murals, such as 'The Epic of the Mexican People' and 'Man at the Crossroads,' depicted socialist ideals, historical events, and prominent figures like Lenin and Trotsky. These murals were displayed in public buildings like the National Palace and the Palace of Fine Arts.

Mexican muralists like José Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros left a lasting legacy with their artworks in various public spaces, promoting social and political messages. Their murals can be found in institutions like the National Autonomous University of Mexico and the Polyforum Cultural Siqueiros.

Renowned filmmaker Luis Buñuel transitioned from surrealism to communism, embracing the cause of the proletariat. His film 'Los Olvidados' in 1950 highlighted the overlooked struggles of the Mexican working class, reflecting his commitment to socialist ideals.

During the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, intellectuals fled Spain to escape persecution. Prominent figures such as the feminist writer and suffragist Benita Galeana, the photographer Tina Modotti, and the painter Frida Kahlo sought refuge in Mexico.

Frida Kahlo's artwork often contained political references, such as her painting 'Marxism Will Give Health to the Sick,' which symbolically linked her physical suffering to her loyalty to communism. The painting features a red book, symbolizing Marxism, and a dove, representing peace, juxtaposed with Carlos Marx strangling an eagle, possibly symbolizing the struggle against capitalism.

Frida Kahlo dedicated one of her self-portraits to Leon Trotsky in 1937, showcasing their extramarital relationship. This connection intensified Kahlo's affinity for radical communism, especially during a time when the Mexican Communist Party sought to gain public attention through events like the 1968 movement.

The Mexican Communist Party was founded on November 24, 1919, and later affiliated with the Communist International. Initially critical of political figures like Plutarco Elías Calles, the party eventually supported leaders like Lázaro Cárdenas for their social reforms, including the creation of ejidos and the nationalization of oil.

In the 1930s, Mexico saw diverse political expressions, including support for the National Socialist Party of Adolf Hitler. The German Casino in Mexico City served as a meeting place for Nazi sympathizers until Mexico entered World War II in 1941, extinguishing Nazism in the country.

In 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald, who identified as a Marxist, assassinated President John F. Kennedy. This event, along with the presence of anti-communist figures in Mexico, highlighted the complex political landscape of the time.

Silvia Tirado de Durán, the secretary of Cuban consul Eusebio Azkue, was interrogated personally by the director of the Federal Security Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios. Under torture, she confessed to being the lover of Lee Harvey Oswald, the assassin of the American president. The FBI and the Warren Commission investigated the allegations made by Elena Garro and her daughter but could not officially confirm the truth. Documents from the FBI later revealed that Lee Harvey Oswald had indeed been in Mexico City.

In 1968, Elena Garro was embroiled in controversy when student leader Sócrates Amado Campos Lemus accused her, along with politicians Carlos Madrazo, Braulio Maldonado, and Humberto Rumbero, of instigating conflict. The US Embassy's secret aerogram to the State Department in Washington reported these accusations. Despite vehemently denying the charges, Elena Garro accused UNAM rector Barros Sierra, José Luis Echeverría, Leopoldo Sáenz, José Luis Cuevas, José Escudero, and Carlos Monsiváis of being the masterminds behind the student rebellion.

Sócrates Amado Campos Lemus, a 22-year-old communist youth activist and delegate of the School of Economics at the Polytechnic, was arrested during the Tlatelolco events on October 2, 1968. He was later seen assisting soldiers in identifying other detainees. Campos Lemus claimed that the student movement had armed security columns during the Plaza de las Tres Culturas rally, with specific details of the weapons provided. Despite his role as a provocateur and informant, he later expressed patriotic sentiments towards President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and eventually became a government official under Luis Echeverría.

The social unrest surrounding the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City was fueled by calls for a socialist revolution. Activists like Sócrates Amado Campos Lemus advocated for armed resistance against authorities. The cancellation of the Olympics was a desired outcome for some, as they believed it would further their revolutionary goals. The unrest reflected broader social issues, with comparisons drawn to countercultural movements in the US, such as the hippie movement.

In 1968, Mexico was a focal point of global attention due to the upcoming 19th modern Olympic Games scheduled from October 12 to 27. The world was polarized by the Cold War between the communist bloc led by the Soviet Union and the capitalist bloc led by the USA. Mexico, geographically strategic, was a target for intelligence services of both sides.

During 1968, Mexico was under the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) at its peak of power. The PRI, founded by Plutarco Elías Calles, was considered a fascist party with control over various sectors like the working class, rural areas, and social organizations. Any social movement outside the party's structure was closely monitored and sometimes repressed.

The Cuban Missile Crisis, following the Bay of Pigs invasion, heightened global tensions between the US and the Soviet Union. The crisis involved the installation of Soviet missiles in Cuba, a strategic move that threatened US territory. This period was marked by a dangerous arms race and the constant threat of a global conflict.

The PRI, established after the Mexican Revolution, was described as a fascist party with control over media, censorship, and repression. Plutarco Elías Calles, the party's founder, admired Mussolini, shaping the party's structure around unions and intermediate groups rather than citizens. Despite its fascist tendencies, the PRI implemented socialist policies like agrarian reform and nationalization of resources.

Before becoming the President of Mexico, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz served as the Secretary of Governance. His approach to governance was characterized by strict control and a focus on maintaining power. The political climate under his leadership was marked by a mix of repression, fear, and limited freedoms, reflecting the authoritarian nature of the PRI regime.

In the 1960s, Mexico had a political climate where the president's words and decisions were unquestionable, and the PRI party's discipline was strong. The opposition was minimal, with the government having control over media outlets and public opinion.

In July 1966, a Mexican newspaper published a photo of a political event with the president in the background next to two monkeys. This led to a severe backlash, with the government ordering the shutdown of the newspaper, demonstrating the extent of censorship and control over the media.

Following the publication of the controversial photo, President Diaz Ordaz ordered the shutdown of the newspaper, demonstrating the government's power to control information by restricting official advertising and press access. The judiciary also supported this censorship by excluding the newspaper from official communications.

The political authoritarianism in Mexico during the 1960s was supported by the 'developmentalism' ideology, which aimed at achieving economic stability and growth. Mexico experienced significant economic growth under President Diaz Ordaz, surpassing the growth rates of the United States with lower inflation rates.

President Diaz Ordaz's administration faced international tensions, particularly with France and the United States. The French President Charles de Gaulle opposed Mexico's economic model, leading to suspicions of CIA involvement in the student movements in France in 1968.

Official intelligence reports highlighted the perceived threat of communist influence in Mexico, with the Communist Party aiming to seize political power and establish a socialist society. The government closely monitored communist activities, including the formation of communist youth groups, indicating a deep concern over potential communist uprisings.

Communist groups strategically gain followers by organizing student groups within schools and universities, using labels unrelated to communism but aligning with the political line of the JCNP. This covertly recruits members to the party, fostering unconscious growth within the organization.

The 1959 Cuban Revolution marked a turning point, inspiring a new wave of rebellion. Fidel Castro and Ernesto 'Che' Guevara became ideological icons for the Latin American left, including women like the speaker's girlfriend who admired Che Guevara's charismatic appeal.

In 1960 in Chilpancingo, Guerrero, student mobilizations demanded autonomy for the state university, culminating in a massacre by security forces that led to the resignation of Governor Raúl Caballero Aburto. This event highlighted the struggle for autonomy and the violent response to student activism.

The MLN was established on August 4, 1961, following Fidel Castro's socialist declaration in Cuba. It aimed to unite Mexican leftists, including Cardenists, communists, and various social activists, with prominent figures like General Heriberto Jara Corona and intellectuals like Carlos Fuentes. The MLN's program focused on fighting American imperialism, reclaiming national resources from foreign monopolies, and opposing international agreements that threatened Mexican sovereignty.

In 1963, students in Michoacán declared 'University or Death,' emphasizing the importance of institutional autonomy. This protest reflected a deep-seated desire for self-governance and the willingness to confront challenges to academic freedom.

On May 17, 1963, in Michoacán, the Central Nacional de Estudiantes Democráticos was established, issuing the Declaration of Morelia. The organization aimed to unite local cells and organizations within the Mexican student body to create a broader movement for social and political change in Mexico, advocating for economic and political liberation, and the construction of a society free from exploitation, poverty, and injustice.

The majority of those involved in the Movimiento del 68 were left-wing radicals, supporters of communism and socialism. They idolized figures like Che Guevara and were driven by high ideological content. The movement began on July 26, 1968, coinciding with the anniversary of the Cuban Revolution's Moncada Barracks attack, showcasing its strong ideological and factional nature.

The left-wing movements in Mexico were not unified, with various factions holding different ideological stances. The Communist Party of Mexico (PCM), affiliated with the Third International, was perceived as moderate. However, there were disagreements among Marxist-Leninist, Stalinist, Trotskyist, and Castroist factions, with some advocating for a more radical approach.

Two months before October 2, the Consejo Nacional de Huelga was established as an aggregating figure, drawing from previous experiences. This council played a crucial role in the 1968 movement, with visible leaders like Raúl Álvarez Garín and Ángel Verdugo Beltrán, who were part of the movement's inception and aimed to leverage the global attention on the Olympics to amplify their political influence.

After the government change, many intellectual leaders of the movement joined the subsequent PRI government. The petition initially focused on demands such as freedom for political prisoners, removal of police and grenadier chiefs, dissolution of the grenadier corps, and repeal of specific penal code articles. Over time, the petition grew to include indemnification for families of the deceased and injured, accountability for repression acts, and funding sources.

The movement employed a tactic of evolving demands, starting with the removal of the Mexico City police chief for assaulting students. As demands were met, new ones arose, showcasing a lack of fixed ideology. The movement required significant funding, with estimates in the millions of dollars. Funding sources remain unclear, with speculation ranging from CIA support to contributions from French individuals.

The National Strike Council leadership only included student representatives from schools, excluding federations and political parties. However, some members had affiliations with the Mexican Communist Party. Notable figures like Marcelino Perelló, Pablo Gómez, and others later founded socialist political parties. Ideological differences existed within the movement, with varying stances on violence and victims.

Following the July 26th repression incident where students were killed, tensions escalated, leading to continuous unrest. The movement culminated in the Tlatelolco events on October 2nd. Leaders hurried speeches, announcing the suspension of a march towards Santo Tomás due to imminent dispersal orders, with helicopters monitoring the situation.

Elena Poniatowska's investigation in her book 'La Noche de Tlatelolco' revealed that the massacre at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas was triggered by a helicopter flying overhead. However, further examination of the official report by the Public Ministry, with the testimony of injured Captain Ernesto Mural Soto, revealed that the military, under Colonel Ernesto Gómez Tagle, was involved in maintaining public order during the Olympic Games, leading to the tragic events.

Multiple versions of the Tlatelolco Massacre exist, with some suggesting that military personnel from the Olimpia Battalion, disguised as civilians, fired upon both civilians and uniformed soldiers. This raises questions about whether the armed forces were involved in attacking their own commander, General Jose Hernandez Toledo, who was among the first to be injured. The uncertainty persists regarding whether the shots were fired by military personnel, civilians, or students.

The aftermath of the Tlatelolco Massacre resulted in hundreds of deaths, with estimates ranging from over 30 to nearly 40 casualties, including soldiers, rioters, and bystanders. The bodies were allegedly disposed of through various means such as burial, incineration, and clandestine methods, highlighting the attempts to conceal the true extent of the tragedy.

The discussion delves into the psychological strategies employed by political movements, referencing a manual on 'psicopolítica' that emphasized creating chaos among enemies to gain political power. This tactic involved manipulating psychological aspects to attract followers and achieve political objectives, shedding light on the intricate dynamics of power acquisition.

In 1968, victims were created to strengthen the movement, with the aim of potentially canceling the Olympics in Mexico. Students proposed closing the school after the alleged killing of 43 people by the army, using the name of a deceased student leader to justify the closure. The victims were not student leaders but young individuals unaware of the situation.

Radical communist movements, including Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyists in 1968, and Marxists, Maoists, and liberation theologians in 1994, extensively used mechanisms to incite conflict. Tactics involved confronting students with the army in '68 and indigenous groups against armed forces in '94, with the apparent goal of combating repression while aiming to create conflicts before the Olympics in '68 and due to the NAFTA agreement in '94.

The Chiapas uprising in 1994 was allegedly funded by the Federation of Labor Unions in the US, opposing the NAFTA agreement. Well-armed guerrillas, including indigenous individuals with rudimentary weapons, were manipulated to incite violence. The orchestrated conflict resulted in casualties, strategically used to portray the Mexican government as repressive and influence US public opinion against the trade agreement.

The orchestrated deaths of indigenous individuals in the Chiapas uprising were exploited to discredit the Mexican government and sway US public opinion against the NAFTA agreement. The deliberate creation of casualties aimed to portray Mexico as a genocidal regime, influencing congressional debates on the trade deal.

More than half a century later, the events of 1968 in Mexico continue to raise unanswered questions and have enduring repercussions. The complexities and manipulations surrounding the historical episodes, such as Tlatelolco and the student movement, remain unresolved, highlighting the lasting impact of those decisive months.