The Crisis in Mexico: A Struggle for Economic and Social Justice

Mexico is facing one of the most severe crises in its history, with constant deterioration in economic, political, social, cultural, environmental, security, and sovereignty aspects. The country has seen a significant concentration of wealth, where the nine richest billionaires in Mexico amassed a fortune of $124 billion in 2011, representing 10% of the country's wealth, while 60 million Mexicans live below the poverty line. This disparity has led to growing social discontent and dissatisfaction, urging the need for change and citizen empowerment.

The current national disaster in Mexico is attributed to various factors, including widespread unemployment and lack of opportunities for honest livelihoods. Despite acknowledging the issues, many Mexicans remain silent, perpetuating the crisis. It is crucial to understand and address the root causes to bring about real change and improve living conditions, as the daily struggle for basic necessities like food impacts health, education, and overall quality of life.

Over the past 30 years, Mexico adopted neoliberal policies that favored market solutions, leading to the concentration of wealth and power among a dominant economic class. Privatization of public enterprises and natural resources further exacerbated poverty, inequality, insecurity, and violence. The structural issues go beyond inequality and corruption, pointing to an economic order controlled by an oligarchy that exploits resources, environment, and labor for personal gain, consolidating economic and political power.

The neoliberal economic model, which began to be applied globally in the mid-70s, focused on privatization and supporting the accumulation of wealth by the elite. This model involved transferring national assets to private entities, leading to the privatization of the financial sector, allowing for speculative accumulation of wealth through legal loopholes and tax exemptions.

In Mexico, the neoliberal model advanced progressively, starting with the privatization of public entities, followed by blatant looting and transferring billions of dollars from public to private ownership. This process led to the destruction of national industries like metallurgy, railways, and banks, characterized by abuse of power, corruption, and favoritism towards relatives and friends.

During the presidency of Salinas, laws and the constitution were modified to implement a neoliberal agenda. Salinas initiated the transfer of national assets to national and foreign private entities, creating a close-knit group of beneficiaries who economically and politically supported the privatization of public assets. Notably, the sale of Mexico's public telecommunications company to a businessman for a fraction of its value resulted in immense wealth accumulation for the businessman and Salinas's inner circle.

Salinas, along with his brother Raúl and Pedro Aspe, the Secretary of Hacienda, privatized 18 banks in 13 months. They distributed companies and banks within 5 years between 1988 and 1993, selling over 1000 state-owned enterprises and industrial units.

Salinas privatized banks, the telephone company, airlines, steel industry, mines, ports, airports, and more. He concluded the Agrarian distribution, amended the constitution to legalize land sales, modified mining laws, granted concessions to national and foreign entities for mining, and abolished the extraction tax.

By the end of Salinas' term, Mexico saw a significant increase in billionaires. In 1988, only one Mexican family was on Forbes' list of the world's richest. By 1994, there were 24 Mexican billionaires with a combined wealth of around $48 billion, showcasing the massive transfer of national assets to private individuals.

In 1994, an international financial crisis, capital flight, and peso devaluation led to a 6.2% economic decline, the worst since 1932. President Cedillo bailed out bankers and businessmen with public funds, creating the Fobaproa to protect savings. The bailout favored large economic interests, leading to socialization of losses and privatization of profits.

Despite paying over 600 billion pesos in interest since 1995, the banking debt remains nearly intact. The Fobaproa debt of 1.3 trillion pesos may take 70 years to repay. Bankers, rescued without obligations, profited from government interest payments, engaging in speculation rather than productive lending.

Bailed-out bankers sold their banks to foreign corporations, reaping huge profits. The pattern extended to other sectors like road construction and sugar mills, where insolvent companies were rescued with public funds. Cedillo's government ended a 150-year history by gifting over 24,000 km of railway tracks to private entities.

After leaving office, former Mexican President Cedillo joined the board of directors of Union Pacific and later City Group, the owner of Banamex, a bank he had previously rescued. This trend of high-ranking officials moving to corporate boards was also seen with other officials like Adri Lay and Pedro Aspe.

Vicente Fox, who won the Mexican presidency in 2000, promised democratic change and anti-corruption measures. However, he failed to deliver on these promises, adopting similar policies to his predecessors, including privatization efforts and fostering corruption.

The Mexican oligarchy holds significant power, influencing legislative, judicial, and executive branches. They control media to maintain their political and economic dominance by funding campaigns of aligned politicians who then serve their interests.

The oligarchy in Mexico controls information flow, deciding what is reported and what is not. This manipulation of information perpetuates ignorance and hinders the democratic process, as true democracy cannot exist without access to unbiased information.

Over the past 30 years, Mexico's economy has stagnated, leading to the destruction of the national productive capacity, particularly in rural areas. Policies favoring dependency on imports and neglecting local producers have increased poverty and malnutrition.

The liberalization of the agricultural sector in Mexico has primarily benefited a small group of large agro-food corporations and transnational companies, neglecting small and medium-sized entrepreneurs. These smaller businesses have been marginalized, with their interests being sacrificed for the benefit of monopolistic large corporations that control the government. Over the past two decades, Mexican state-owned enterprises with significant technical capabilities have been gradually dismantled, despite constitutional prohibitions.

In the last 20 years, there has been a shift towards privatization in Mexico, particularly in the energy sector. Despite constitutional restrictions, private participation in electricity generation and the national oil industry has been allowed. This has led to the concentration of activities in crude oil exports, resulting in Mexico importing over 40% of its gasoline and 25% of its required gas. Investments in Pemex have decreased in both quantity and direction, focusing more on profiting from private companies rather than increasing hydrocarbon production.

In the early 2000s, there was an initiative by Calderón to privatize various sectors of the Mexican oil industry under the guise of an energy reform. However, a significant movement emerged to defend national oil resources, preventing the privatization of refining, transportation, pipelines, and storage of petroleum products. Despite initial successes, privatization attempts continue through other means like public-private partnerships and potential refinery privatization.

Mexico faces challenges in oil exploration and production, with contracts being awarded for onshore projects despite legal restrictions. The distribution of production and exploration wells is skewed, with 80% in the North region and 20% in the South and offshore areas, where 90% of hydrocarbons are produced. The North region, including Burgos and Chicontepec, has seen lucrative contracts awarded to American and Spanish companies, raising concerns about foreign influence in Mexico's oil industry.

The Mexican electrical sector is undergoing dismantling, relying on imported energy sources to generate electricity. This has led to soaring electricity prices, benefiting primarily foreign companies, mainly Spanish and American. Corruption scandals have surfaced, implicating high-ranking officials like Elías, the former director of the Federal Electricity Commission, who allegedly received luxury items and large sums of money in exchange for favorable deals with foreign companies.

The liquidation of Luz y Fuerza del Centro ordered by Calderón left 44,000 electricians unemployed and advanced the privatization of the electric industry. This action, which took place in Mexico, resulted in significant job losses and marked a shift towards privatization.

Under the neoliberal logic, private entities are considered more efficient than public ones in sectors like education and health. This shift has led to a decrease in public investment in education and health, impacting the quality and accessibility of these essential services.

Neoliberal policies in Mexico have resulted in significant economic and social inequality. Around 80-90% of the GDP growth has benefited only 1% of the population since 1983, leading to a widening wealth gap and limited economic opportunities for the majority of the population.

The neoliberal economic policies in Mexico have contributed to a surge in migration to the United States. In 2010, 500,000 Mexicans crossed the northern border in search of better opportunities due to high unemployment rates and lack of educational prospects in Mexico.

The purchasing power of the Mexican population has significantly decreased over the years, with the minimum wage now only covering a fraction of basic necessities like tortillas, bread, and beans. Additionally, neoliberal policies have negatively impacted the agricultural sector, leading to poverty among rural communities.

Neoliberal governments in Mexico reduced social spending and neglected investments in crucial infrastructure such as clinics, hospitals, education, and social security. This lack of investment has resulted in inadequate public services and limited access to quality healthcare and education for the population.

The neoliberal agenda in Mexico aims to limit education to secondary levels, creating a workforce of cheap labor to serve the interests of industrialized nations. This approach hinders the aspirations of millions of young people who desire to pursue higher education but face barriers due to limited educational opportunities.

The reform agenda proposed by political parties like PRI and PAN in Mexico primarily serves the interests of big economic players. For instance, labor reforms are designed to diminish the rights of workers, reflecting a trend of eroding labor protections over the past three decades.

The neoliberal era in Mexico has led to a double dispossession - the loss of public resources and social rights. This has particularly affected rural communities, indigenous peoples, and workers, creating a system that prioritizes profit over the well-being of the population.

The speaker highlights the economic exploitation in Mexico, comparing the 300 years of colonial plunder to the 25 years of looting by the PRI and PAN political parties. They mention that 52 million hectares, equivalent to 26% of the national territory, have been concessioned from Salinas to the present day, with foreign companies taking over essential industries.

The discussion shifts to the resistance of farmers and residents of San Luis Potosí against Minera San Javier. The company is accused of violating laws by attempting to dispossess the territory and cultural heritage of the local population. A group known as the FAO has been fighting against the San Javier mining project for 15 years.

The environmental impact of mining projects, particularly open-pit mining using heap leaching with chemicals like sodium cyanide, is emphasized. The process involves massive water usage, explosives, and the destruction of natural landscapes, leading to severe environmental degradation and contamination of aquifers.

Around 40% of Mexico's territory is already concessioned for mining activities, with plans to reach 70%. This poses a significant threat not only to the environment and social fabric but also to the water resources, as mining companies consume vast amounts of water daily, exacerbating water scarcity in desert regions like Valle San Luis Potosí.

Mining companies resort to violence, intimidation, and even physical elimination of opposition to establish mining projects in communities. The speaker recounts personal experiences of being shot at and facing threats from mining companies, leading to environmental devastation, social division, family conflicts, and health issues like kidney diseases among the affected population.

The speaker denounces the organized corruption by mining companies, highlighting the detrimental impact on communities. The exploitation and environmental destruction caused by mining projects have led to social disintegration, family rifts, and widespread health problems, creating a profound sense of betrayal and suffering among the affected population.

Judges, including federal judges, are accused of being corrupt and easily swayed by bribes in the mining industry. The alleged corruption involves high-profile figures like Vicente Fox and Calderón, who are believed to be involved in projects like the San Javier mine. This corruption has led to significant financial losses, with millions of pesos being siphoned off illegally.

Mining activities in Mexico have caused severe environmental damage, affecting communities nationwide. Approximately 750 projects are currently active across the country, leading to issues such as water scarcity, land degradation, and health hazards for the population. The government's lack of consultation with indigenous peoples violates their right to self-determination.

In Capulalpam de Méndez, a mining company exploited the community's resources for 225 years, resulting in the loss of 14 springs and severe water scarcity. The company's use of explosives and diversion of surface water has divided the local population. Despite facing challenges, the community has united to oppose mining activities and has notified authorities about the issue.

The Mexican government has granted mining concessions until 2058 without proper consultation with local authorities. This contrasts with the denial of water exploration permits for community use while granting five concessions to the mining company. The concessions disproportionately benefit foreign countries like Canada, enriching them at the expense of Mexican lives and resources.

Neoliberal policies in Mexico have led to widespread unemployment, lack of education, and healthcare opportunities, creating a sense of hopelessness among the population. The rejection of these policies by millions reflects a desire for change and better opportunities. The Mexican people have historically fought to protect their rights, resources, and spaces, often resorting to revolutions and continuous resistance.

Mexico has a rich history of resistance movements, notably seen in the Cardenista electoral insurrection, the Zapatista uprising, and the López Obrador movement. These moments symbolize the unity and strength of the Mexican people in challenging oppressive systems and advocating for social justice. The citizens' continuous acts of resistance demonstrate their unwavering commitment to defending their rights and freedoms.

In early 2003, Fox allowed the return of Carlos Salinas to Mexico, who regrouped with businessmen, politicians, and communicators owing him favors. The main objective was to prevent Andrés Manuel López Obrador from winning the 2006 presidential elections. Business leaders financed a smear campaign and fear-mongering tactics against López Obrador to support Calderón.

During the 2006 elections, Calderón negotiated with various actors, including businessmen and politicians. Eight governors, such as Marín, Ruiz, and Herrera, among others, pledged their support to Calderón. Fox admitted to favoring Calderón, and Gordillo struck a deal with Calderón for support in exchange for the leadership of the Secretariat of Public Education.

The electoral fraud of 2006 was orchestrated to prevent real political and economic change in Mexico. The elections were not accurate, free, transparent, or credible due to manipulation of votes and the executive's involvement in Calderón's candidacy. The refusal of Calderón to recount votes at the ballot box highlighted the corrupt structure of the Ife dominated by Gordillo.

In January 2007, Andrés Manuel López Obrador embarked on a nationwide tour to maintain hope, gather people's sentiments, and call for popular organization. He discovered the strength and diversity of Mexico's cultural mosaic by interacting closely with people across different regions, acknowledging the country's rich heritage and values.

Mexico, with a history dating back 10,000 years, is a diverse nation with rich cultural traditions inherited from the Mesoamerican civilization. The country's communities, customs, and values serve as a reservoir of strength and greatness. Maintaining traditions and social organization correlates with lower levels of insecurity and violence.

In traditional indigenous communities, violence is more prevalent in areas with social breakdown and a lack of community life due to the loss of values. This was observed during visits to various regions by López Obrador over 5 years, where he emphasized the need to strengthen and consolidate these values.

López Obrador expressed concern over the irrational exploitation of natural resources, particularly oil, in Mexico. He highlighted the importance of preserving resources for future generations, emphasizing the non-renewable nature of oil. Despite this, he noted the presence of other resources like gas, coastlines, forests, and fertile lands for agriculture, as well as mineral deposits like gold, silver, and copper.

During visits to mining areas in Durango and Chihuahua, López Obrador witnessed the poor living conditions of Mexican miners contrasted with the luxurious facilities provided for foreign workers. He criticized the environmental degradation, abandonment of villages, and lack of fair wages for Mexican miners compared to their Canadian counterparts. This experience highlighted the need for better environmental protection and fair treatment of workers in the mining industry.

Between July and November 2009, López Obrador toured the 418 indigenous municipalities of Oaxaca, covering 25,000 km of roads. He was warmly welcomed by the people, who showed great enthusiasm for his visit. The tour allowed him to witness a unique organizational model in indigenous communities, showcasing cultural, moral, and intellectual richness. This experience inspired López Obrador to advocate for a new society that values and preserves the cultural heritage of indigenous communities.

Since 1995, in Oaxaca, Mexico, 418 municipalities have been able to elect authorities through a system known as 'usos y costumbres.' This system allows indigenous communities to choose their municipal authorities through assemblies. In San Bartolo, for example, there is a unique process where a triple round of selection occurs, leading to a strong sense of community empowerment and decision-making. The elected officials commit to governing by following the decisions made by the assembly, particularly regarding the management of natural resources like forests and water.

In Gelatao, Oaxaca, the concept of communal land ownership prevails, where no individual can claim ownership of the land. The community collectively manages and utilizes the land, emphasizing the importance of communal unity. The community engages in 'tequio,' a form of voluntary collective work, to address significant community issues. This collective effort involves citizens contributing their labor to build infrastructure, maintain water sources, clean roads, and construct schools, fostering a strong sense of community cohesion and responsibility.

Festivals play a crucial role in fostering community bonds and preserving cultural identity in Oaxaca. While these celebrations often honor Catholic saints, the essence lies in the opportunity they provide for community members to interact, share traditions, and strengthen ties with neighboring communities. The festivities serve as a platform for social cohesion, reinforcing the shared values, customs, and languages that define the cultural heritage of the region.

The people of Oaxaca view Licenciado López Obrador as an ally due to his recognition and respect for the region's cultural diversity and community traditions. Despite obstacles from previous governors, López Obrador's genuine interactions with the local population have garnered support and trust. His commitment to engaging with communities, listening to their concerns, and building a collaborative vision for the country has resonated positively among the residents of Oaxaca.

During a visit to San José del Progreso, Oaxaca, Andrés Manuel López Obrador engaged with locals, discussing the issues surrounding a mining company. He emphasized the importance of tolerance and peaceful resistance against the mining company, highlighting the need for political transformation to benefit indigenous communities.

López Obrador stressed the urgency of a regime change in Mexico, stating that without genuine reforms in economic, political, social, and cultural aspects, the country's situation will deteriorate. He emphasized the need for a collective effort to bring about a significant transformation that benefits the Mexican people.

López Obrador expressed concerns about the continuity of the ruling party, mentioning that the return of certain political parties could lead to negative consequences. He warned against the potential negative impact of specific parties on the economy and society, urging for a change in the political landscape.

The speaker criticized the media, particularly Televisa, for promoting the candidacy of Peña Nieto from the PRI party. He highlighted how media influence can shape public perception, leading many to believe that a return to PRI governance would improve the country's situation, despite historical issues associated with the party.

López Obrador outlined the detrimental effects of PRI governance in the past, citing instances where the party's policies negatively impacted farmers and led to corruption. He emphasized that a return to PRI leadership, particularly with Peña Nieto at the helm, would pose significant dangers for Mexico.

The speaker vehemently opposed the idea of the PRI party returning to power, especially with Peña Nieto leading the charge. He highlighted the dangers of having a puppet leader influenced by powerful figures like Salinas, corrupt governors, and vested interests, portraying it as a threat to Mexico's progress and well-being.

López Obrador discussed the ongoing battle of ideas and strategies in Mexican politics, noting the challenges faced in defending monopolies and unjust taxation policies. He highlighted the importance of attacking the messenger rather than the message itself, showcasing a strategic approach to navigate the complex political landscape.

It is crucial to continue advocating for peaceful change and transformation in Mexico despite the cooptation of electoral institutions by economic interests, particularly the neoliberal model. Building a culture of information from the grassroots level is emphasized, focusing on providing accurate information to empower the people to be informed decision-makers and agents of their own destiny.

Empowering the populace involves creating awareness about oppressors hindering progress and instilling a sense of unity among all oppressed individuals. By fostering a collective consciousness and promoting participation and unity, true liberation and transformation of the country can be achieved.

Setting ambitious objectives for Mexico's transformation is essential, emphasizing that no Mexican is insignificant in achieving these goals. Collaboration and organization are highlighted as key to demanding changes in public security policies, rebuilding the economy through alternative work and organizational structures, and restoring trust among the population.

The political movement represented by Morena aims not only to contest the 2012 presidential election but also to transform Mexico beyond electoral cycles. Morena's inclusive nature encompasses diverse social classes, ideological currents, and religious beliefs, uniting various sectors of society towards a common goal of national renewal.

Expressing confidence in Morena's ability to rescue Mexico, the speaker highlights the movement's broad reach across families, neighborhoods, communities, and various social groups. Morena is envisioned as a transformative force capable of not just preserving existing structures but fundamentally changing the country for the better.

Leveraging Mexico's historical identity and moral reserves, Morena under López Obrador taps into a sense of self-reliance and trust in the nation's own capabilities. The movement's emphasis on drawing strength from Mexico's history and experiences underscores the belief that true change must originate from within the country itself, rooted in its unique narrative and identity.

There is a growing support for Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the National Regeneration Movement in Mexico. People from various backgrounds, including workers, farmers, middle-class individuals, and even small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, are joining the movement. López Obrador has met with over 1000 mainly small and medium-sized entrepreneurs who have been positively impressed by his personality and his ability to provide solid reasoning. The goal is to bring about change in Mexico with the collective strength of all Mexicans, including those in the United States who are willing to contribute within their means.

The vision for Mexico includes culture, education, and employment opportunities for all. However, the emphasis is on organizing these aspects in a different manner, with powerful institutions rooted in the decision-making capacity of the Mexican people. Andrés Manuel López Obrador aims not to centralize power in his hands but to empower society as a whole, viewing the presidency as a means to transform the country rather than an end in itself.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador advocates for establishing a true democracy in Mexico to combat corruption and ensure a homeland for all Mexicans, especially the marginalized and impoverished. The goal is to have a government by the people and for the people that justly distributes the nation's wealth, improves living and working conditions, and restores peace and happiness to the population. The vision is for Mexico to be a country for all, leveraging its abundant natural resources and rich cultural heritage for the benefit of its people.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador expresses his faith, convictions, and acknowledgment of his human flaws. He emphasizes that his focus has never been on money and believes that not everyone who possesses wealth is inherently evil. López Obrador advocates for non-violence, freedom, and tolerance, viewing the people as the rightful owners and drivers of their destiny. He commends individuals who stand against injustice and strive for a better future and a new nation.

López Obrador expresses optimism that Mexico can change for the better if its citizens unite and work towards a common goal. He envisions a country that caters to the needs of all its inhabitants, fostering inclusivity and progress. The message is clear: with the collective will of the Mexican people, a brighter future is within reach.