The History of Western El Salvador: From Rebellion to Resilience

The western region of El Salvador is characterized by blue skies, volcanoes that shaped the geographical profile of the land, and inhabitants who, like their ancestors, weave petate and baskets. Some elderly individuals still wear colorful traditional clothing. However, it is the contemporary history that sets apart western El Salvador from the rest of the country and even the continent.

In January 1932, one of the largest uprisings in 20th-century Latin American history occurred in western El Salvador. Thousands of peasants attacked military barracks and seized several towns. The government forces responded with a massacre, resulting in the deaths of around 10,000 individuals, mostly indigenous people, in a country with a population of barely one and a half million at the time.

The collective trauma of the 1932 rebellion led survivors to discuss the events only within the privacy of their families for 60 years. It was not until the peace agreements of Chapultepec, which ended the civil war in the 1980s, that spaces for political expression opened up. Now, elderly individuals are finally willing to share their testimonies, breaking the culture of silence and fear.

The global economic crisis of the 1930s caused a decline in coffee prices, leading to reduced peasant wages, increased hunger, and misery. The concentration of land ownership in the hands of a few families exacerbated social inequalities, similar to the conditions preceding revolutions in France, Russia, and Mexico.

During the governments of Don Tío Romero Bosque and Engineer Arturo Araujo, there was a degree of freedom that allowed labor leaders to organize. Initially pushing for wage increases, they later focused on land redistribution and organizing communities. The labor movement gained momentum, with both indigenous and non-indigenous individuals participating in social mobilizations.

One of the factors contributing to the 1932 insurrection was the lack of access to land due to the privatization and concentration of communal lands that began in the late 19th century during the coffee boom. Peasant leaders saw agrarian reform as a key struggle, leading to secret and open meetings where plans to seize land and achieve land rights were discussed.

In certain populations like Salcoatitán and Nahuizalco, ethnic tensions were escalating since 1880 due to the increasing dominance of ladinos over land and local political power. By 1930, many indigenous people who had fought for their communal interests joined the leftist movement. Notably, Papa became part of this movement, where they, being literate individuals, were appointed as secretaries to document meeting minutes.

In 1931, a religious aspect accompanied the social movement in Ahuachapán, where the cult of the Virgin of El Adelanto spread. Activist peasants participated in this religious phenomenon, linking it to the broader movement for social rights.

Despite the prevailing patriarchal society in El Salvador during the 1930s, women actively engaged in political and social movements. A report from the Regional Federation of Salvadoran Workers highlighted that out of 1,700 affiliated members, 44 were women. Women played significant roles in labor unions, particularly in coffee plantations and as workers.

The Socorro Rojo, initially established as a defense mechanism against worker repression, evolved into the primary organization for peasants in western El Salvador, becoming increasingly combative. Led by the renowned activist Farabundo Martí, the Socorro Rojo members advocated for land redistribution and faced severe government repression, leading to discussions of insurrection to address injustices.

On December 2, 1931, General Martinez participated in a coup against President Araujo. This led to a wave of strikes by rural workers in coffee plantations, marking the first instance of such unrest in the country's history.

The Communist Party and its affiliated organizations had significant influence, with the Red Relief having 6,000 members mainly in the western region. Party candidates were poised to win in several municipalities, but fraud and annulments prevented communist victories.

In response to rural workers' strikes in Santa Rita, Ahuachapán, the National Guard intervened, resulting in the deaths of around 30 strikers. The violent crackdown exacerbated discontent and unrest among the workers.

By January 13, 1932, the British consul reported a grave increase in communist agitation, particularly in Santa Ana, Ahuachapán, Sonsonate, and La Libertad. The Communist Party recognized the risk of bloodshed and sought a truce with General Martinez's government.

Facing escalating tensions, the Communist Party decided to implement an insurrection plan. Despite the capture of leaders like Zapata and Farabundo Martí, a vote of 6 to 3 in favor of continuing the plans was held within the party's central committee.

On the night of January 22, armed residents from the western region rose up, seizing control of several towns and attempting to take military barracks. The uprising resulted in the deaths of approximately 20 civilians and 30 soldiers.

The January 22, 1932 insurrection, which saw armed residents attempting to seize control, ultimately failed. The movement concentrated in Jayaque but faced defeat, with many returning in the morning after the assault on Santa Tecla.

As the insurrection began, the rebels took control of local power in Santana, targeting the graves. They elected Communist Party candidates as their authority figures, claiming victory had been stolen from them in the elections.

The rebels instilled fear by killing individuals during festive nights, causing panic among the people. The following day, they looted stores, taking items like sugar, coffee, and clothing, while also vandalizing properties.

Indigenous leader Francisco Sánchez ordered the distribution of land titles to indigenous people and devised a plan to redistribute land from Juayúa Park. Women dressed in red prepared tortillas as music played in the background.

The presence of rebel groups instilled terror in urban areas, leading to a curfew and difficult times for non-supportive peasants. Many were taken prisoner, and the rebels, along with communists, engaged in looting and violence.

Within three days, the government army, supported by civilian militias, quelled the rebellion. In towns like Nahuizalco and Tacuba, non-fleeing males were executed. The nationwide persecution resulted in the execution of around 10,000 individuals, mostly indigenous people.

Non-communists were rounded up to search for hidden communists. Some had dug holes to hide, causing a search operation in coffee plantations. The soldiers were instructed to search thoroughly, leading to the discovery and capture of many hiding communists.

In El Salvador, a massacre took place where people were rounded up, taken from their homes, and executed. The victims were then buried in mass graves, with some bodies left along the road. The killings were carried out by armed groups who targeted individuals based on lists, resulting in the deaths of around 30 people.

In some areas, the massacre was more selective, with victims chosen based on lists of individuals associated with the Communist Party. Those on the lists were systematically executed, possibly resulting in around 20 deaths. The violence was orchestrated by those seeking to eliminate perceived threats to their power.

The violent reaction of the mayor of Nahuizalco and local landowners was fueled by collective trauma, hysteria, and a desire for revenge. Territorial disputes and power dynamics led to brutal actions, including the killing of hundreds of workers and women. The violence was a manifestation of deep-seated class tensions and power struggles.

A wealthy landowner expressed the fear and animosity of his class towards indigenous people, justifying their elimination as a means of progress. The narrative of blaming communist leaders and wealthy non-indigenous elites for the tragedy is common among rural communities, highlighting the deep-rooted class divisions and historical injustices in the region.

The massacre of thousands of indigenous people in 1932 had a profound impact on the communities in the western region. The general population harbored feelings of rejection towards wealthy landowners and fear towards the authorities.

In 1933, Salarrué wrote about the discrimination faced by indigenous women, highlighting their marginalization and mistreatment by society.

The dramatic shift in power dynamics between indigenous people and ladinos led to subtle effects on culture. The disdain of ladinos towards indigenous language, such as Me'phaa, resulted in a decline in its usage and cultural significance.

Following the massacre, new generations rejected traditional indigenous female attire like the 'refajo,' opting for modern clothing instead. This shift symbolized a departure from indigenous cultural practices.

The massacre instilled a culture of fear in the population, deterring social and political activism for years. However, unresolved social issues in the 1970s motivated younger generations to overcome this fear and engage in struggles for land rights, union freedom, and against military regimes.

In the early 1980s, government forces committed new massacres in various regions, including El Carrizal, Las Hojas, Los Gramales, and Santo Domingo. This violence perpetuated a cycle of resistance and conflict in the western zone.

During the 1980s, communities like Nahuizalco experienced renewed terror as young individuals were targeted and killed. The widow of a victim from the 1932 massacre recounted the atrocities faced by her family, highlighting the ongoing cycle of violence and trauma.

The repression and polarization in El Salvador led to a civil war that lasted for eleven years, shaking the nation. Some young individuals began to see the struggles of the 1930s as part of their own history, drawing inspiration from the few activists who survived the events of 1932 and remained engaged in the fight.

Due to the political legacy of 1932, the conflict did not escalate in the western region of El Salvador as intensely as in other parts of the country. However, the coffee-growing areas also witnessed social and military conflicts.

In the 1980s, amidst the changing realities, some young people sought to reclaim their indigenous identity, recognizing the loss of cultural practices from their ancestors. Despite modernization, the community still acknowledges its indigenous roots.

After the war, indigenous communities and previously oppressed political forces began to exercise their rights to freedom of expression and organization. In Tacuba, the descendants of these communities are now governing their municipality, emphasizing indigenous people as the architects of their own history.

The events of 1932 and the civil war in the 1980s highlighted that peace is fragile when built on cultural, economic, and political exclusion. The historical social upheavals resulting in death, suffering, and destruction may recur if exclusion persists.

As El Salvador aims to build a democratic society in the new century, it is crucial to respect indigenous and peasant rights, along with honoring the memories of survivors from 1932. Ending the marginalization with fair wages, land access, healthcare, and decent housing is essential to prevent tragedies like those of 1932.