Bolivia's Struggle for Maritime Sovereignty: A Historical Perspective

In the context of Bolivia's history, the most dramatic page in the nation's history was during the events of 1879, known as 'Los Caminos al Mar.' Bolivia faced challenges in establishing sovereignty over its vast territories beyond the Andean region, particularly towards the Pacific coast inherited from colonial and pre-Hispanic times.

During Chile's invasion of Antofagasta in 1879, over 80% of the population in the city was Chilean, facilitating the swift capture of the city. Bolivia lacked significant economic interests and investments in the region, with most investments being English or Chilean.

The difficulty of communication from La Paz to Covija, taking three weeks or more, contrasted with the less than four days it took to communicate by sea to Santiago de Chile, Antofagasta, or Covija. These challenges contributed to Bolivia's struggle with sovereignty and its eventual loss in the war.

The sea has always been integral to Bolivia's identity, symbolizing wealth, power, and a deep emotional connection. The loss of access to the sea was not just a territorial issue but a profound loss that affected the nation's soul.

Historically, Bolivia had settlements in the Azapa Valley on the Pacific coast during the Tehuanacota empire's expansion. The Inca empire also extended into regions of northern Chile, which are now part of Bolivia's usurped territory.

The Audiencia de Charcas had jurisdiction over coastal territories along the Pacific Ocean during the colonial period, encompassing regions from the Loa River in the north to the Salado River in the south. This jurisdiction was later defined by laws and historical documents.

The Litoral Department was established on January 1, 1867, with two provinces, Lamar and Atacama. The region had a population of over fifteen thousand inhabitants and a surface area of approximately one hundred twenty thousand square kilometers with nearly four hundred kilometers of coastline.

The coastal region was rich in guano and saltpeter, essential for fertilizing lands. Guano, the excrement of birds like pelicans, guanay, and piquero, accumulated over thousands of years, creating the world's largest deposits in Peru and Bolivia. Additionally, the geological evolution of the Atacama and Tarapacá deserts transformed water masses into vast salt flats, with sodium nitrate, known as saltpeter, being the most common salt. This saltpeter was used for making gunpowder and as an agricultural stimulant from 1830, highly demanded in Europe. The discovery of a significant silver vein in Caracoles surpassed the production of the famous Cerro Rico in Potosí.

Andrés Santa Cruz's visionary decision to form a confederation between Bolivia and Peru in 1836 led to conflict with Chile. Diego Portales of Chile opposed the confederation, stating that Bolivia and Peru together would always be more powerful than Chile. The defeat of Santa Cruz in Yungay in 1839 by Chilean General Bulnes marked the end of the Peruvian-Bolivian confederation dream. Subsequent incidents intentionally caused by Chile raised sovereignty disputes over key territories like Mejillones.

Chile's aggressive actions from 1842 onwards, including incidents in Mejillones, led to the 1866 treaty establishing the border at the 24th parallel and sharing resources between the 23rd and 25th parallels. Bolivia effectively ceded two degrees of longitude in its territory. A secret defense treaty between Bolivia and Peru in 1873 aimed to counter Chilean aggression. The 1874 treaty between Bolivia and Chile, where Bolivia waived taxes on Chilean exploitation of Bolivian resources, triggered further tensions.

In 1878, Bolivia imposed a tax on saltpeter exports to the Anglo-Chilean company, leading to Chile's invasion of Antofagasta in 1879. The combination of English business interests, Chilean oligarchy, and a desire for coastal resources drove Chile's actions. The Bolivian defense of Antofagasta failed, leading to its capture by Chilean forces.

Following the capture of Antofagasta, Bolivia prepared for defense. The Battle of Calama in March saw a small Bolivian force under Ladislao Cabrera face overwhelming odds against Chilean attackers. Eduardo Avaroa, a key defender, valiantly fought despite being vastly outnumbered. When asked to surrender, Avaroa defiantly replied with the famous phrase '¡Que se rinda a su abuela, carajo!' before succumbing to enemy fire, becoming a symbol of Bolivian resistance.

After Chile officially declared war on April 6, 1879, Peru entered the conflict. Chile attempted to break the alliance by proposing an agreement to Bolivia, which involved recognizing Chilean sovereignty up to the 23rd parallel and assisting Bolivia in gaining control of the Peruvian coast, specifically Tacna and Arica. However, President Daza of Bolivia rejected this proposal outright.

The naval warfare in the Pacific during the War of the Pacific heavily relied on the Peruvian fleet commanded by Miguel Grau. Grau, aboard the Huáscar, achieved significant victories against the Chilean navy, including the sinking of the Chilean ship Esmeralda in the Rada de Indique on May 21. Despite Grau's successes, Chile eventually surrounded and defeated the Huáscar at Angamos on October 8, resulting in the death of Grau and 144 sailors.

The military campaigns in the War of the Pacific saw various battles and strategic decisions. The allies, led by President Daza, faced setbacks such as the defeat at Pizagua and the retreat from Camarones. The disastrous retreat led to the loss of San Francisco and Iquique to the Chilean forces. However, the allies managed to achieve a significant victory at Tarapacá, where they successfully repelled a Chilean attack, resulting in over 500 Chilean casualties.

The leadership and strategy during the War of the Pacific were crucial for the outcomes of the battles. President Daza entrusted General Narciso Campero with organizing the Fifth Division to reinforce the Bolivian troops. However, Campero's division, known as the 'Wandering Division,' inexplicably delayed entering combat for months. Despite some successful engagements, such as the victory at Tambillos led by Rufino Carrasco, Mariano Colodro, and Mariano Palazos, the lack of decisive action by Campero contributed to the overall challenges faced by the allied forces.

The political landscape in Bolivia underwent significant changes during the War of the Pacific. The defeat at Camarones marked the end of President Daza's presidency, culminating in his overthrow by a group of Bolivian officers led by Eleodoro Camacho on December 27, 1879, while in the midst of the conflict.

President Prado of Peru inexplicably leaves Peru to go to Europe under the pretext of buying warships to face Chile. He never returns, and Nicolás de Piérola takes over the presidency through a coup d'état.

The decisive moment in Bolivia's fate is the Battle of Alto de la Alianza, which starts on May 26, 1880. Chile, led by Manuel Baquedano with 19,000 men, faces the allied forces of only 12,000 soldiers. The battle sees fierce combat from 9 am to 3 pm.

During the Battle of Alto de la Alianza, the Colorados of Bolivia play a crucial role by reinforcing the left flank of Camacho. Their heroic charge leads to a significant advance for the allies, pushing back the Chilean division and resisting Yábar's cavalry charge.

Chile, after keeping a division and most of its cavalry in reserve, launches a final attack in the afternoon, breaking the allied defense. The battle results in over 5,000 dead and wounded, with a high proportion of officers. Bolivia's Murillo and Zapadores detachments, along with Tacna from Peru, offer the last resistance.

Bolivia retreats from the War of the Pacific after the defeat at Alto de la Alianza. Narciso Campero returns to Bolivia and is later elected as the constitutional president. The war lasts until 1883, with Chile occupying Peruvian territory, including Lima. Bolivia loses significant coastal territory, affecting its access to the world.

In 1883, Chile and Peru sign the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, where Peru cedes Tarapacá to Chile. The treaty also grants Chile possession of Tacna and Arica for 10 years, with a plebiscite planned to determine their final ownership, which never takes place. Subsequent treaties like the one in 1895 recognize Chile's territorial sovereignty over occupied areas but fail to provide Bolivia with a Pacific port as promised.

The speaker reflects on the unjust nature of the War of the Pacific in 1879, describing it as an invasion and conquest without legal basis or defense. The war's outcome in 1880, with Bolivia's withdrawal, shapes the immediate destinies of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, leading to Chile's prosperity from Bolivian coastal riches and Bolivia's landlocked status for over a century.

The historical events, including the loss of Bolivia's coastal territory to Chile, had a significant impact on the country's development and the ongoing struggle against poverty. This loss, highlighted by the occupation and exploitation of the coastal region by Chile, remains a critical issue in Bolivia's unresolved destiny.

Many Bolivians are unaware of the historical events surrounding the loss of the coastal territory to Chile, as it is a largely unknown and unexplored part of the country's past. Only a few specialists like Roberto Querejasu, Valentina Bessia, and others are familiar with this lesser-known history.

In 1900, the Chilean ambassador Abraham Kenning expressed Chile's aggressive stance towards Bolivia, asserting their rights over the coastal territory due to victory in war. The note reflects Chile's exploitation of resources like guano, saltpeter, silver, and copper from the occupied region.

President Salvador Allende once stated that 'copper is the salary of Chile,' emphasizing the economic significance of copper mining in Chile. This mineral resource played a crucial role in Chile's economy, contributing to its financial stability.

The 1904 Peace Treaty between Chile and Bolivia solidified Chile's permanent control over the occupied territories. Bolivia agreed to recognize Chile's sovereignty, while Chile committed to building a railway from Arica to La Paz and paying Bolivia 300,000 pounds sterling. The treaty also granted Bolivia the right to transit through Chilean territory and ports.

Despite contentious debates in Congress, the 1904 Peace Treaty was ratified and promulgated on May 10, 1905. Brave parliamentarians like Sáenz, Ramírez, Arrieta, Argandoña, Paz, and Campero played a role in the treaty's approval, which marked a significant moment in Bolivia's history.

Bolivia faced dramatic solitude during the signing of the Peace Treaty, losing its entire coastal territory, including 120,000 square kilometers and 400 kilometers of coastline. The economic and infrastructural compensations offered could never match the significance of the lost territory, which was vital for Bolivia's development and future.

Contrary to the belief that Bolivia lacked a coherent foreign policy on maritime access, historical evidence shows a consistent stance since 1910. Bolivia consistently advocated for a sovereign maritime outlet, with minimal variations over time, exploring bilateral, trilateral, and multilateral scenarios.

In 1910, Bolivia's Foreign Minister, Daniel Sánchez Bustamante, formally proposed to Chile and Peru the idea of Bolivia gaining territorial access to the sea through Tacna and Arica. This marked Bolivia's official introduction of the concept of a sovereign maritime outlet, respecting the 1904 treaty.

In 1920, former Bolivian President Ismael Montes initiated a legal challenge at the League of Nations, seeking a revision of the 1904 treaty based on the Treaty of Versailles. The arguments included the treaty's imposition through violence, Chile's non-compliance with certain treaty provisions, and the permanent deprivation of maritime access for Bolivia.

In 1926, US President Calvin Coolidge arbitrated an agreement between Chile and Peru for a plebiscite in Tacna and Arica to determine their sovereignty. General Pershing was appointed to oversee the plebiscite, but it was never conducted due to Chile's strong campaign influence, leading to the abandonment of the plebiscite.

Discussed alternative formulas to address Bolivia's lack of access to the Pacific Ocean, including creating an independent state, neutralizing territories, or ceding a portion to Bolivia. In 1879, Domingo Santa María, future president of Chile, emphasized the need to provide Bolivia with a free and sovereign outlet to the Pacific Ocean.

Frank Kellogg, the U.S. Secretary of State, proposed on November 30, 1926, that the territories of Tacna and Arica be ceded to Bolivia with compensation to Chile and Peru. Chile showed willingness to grant Bolivia a strip of territory and a port, but Peru rejected the proposal citing existing agreements between Chile and Peru.

On June 3, 1929, Chile and Peru reached an agreement where Tacna became Peruvian territory and Arica remained under Chilean ownership. The supplementary protocol, however, deeply wounded Bolivia by prohibiting Chile and Peru from ceding any part of their territories to a third party without mutual consent.

The eighth clause, known as clause H, stipulated that neither Chile nor Peru could cede territory to a third party without the other's permission. Bolivia's ambassador, Eduardo Díez de Medina, protested this clause to the United States, leading to its removal from the agreement.

Despite the removal of clause H, a secret protocol emerged causing uproar in Bolivia and straining its relations with the U.S. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Ambassador Alberto Ostria Gutiérrez initiated crucial negotiations between Bolivia and Chile, laying the foundation for Bolivia's subsequent actions regarding its maritime claim.

In 1948, Chile proposed ceding a strip of territory north of Arica to Bolivia, including a suitable coastal area for a port, along with transferring the Chilean section of the Arica-La Paz railway. Bolivia would compensate Chile with water from its highland lakes for irrigation in northern Chile. The process, led by Ambassador Ostria Gutiérrez, nearly succeeded in 1950 but faced opposition in both countries.

President Harry Truman's intervention in 1951 at the meeting of American foreign ministers in Washington led to an unexpected outcome, halting the agreement between Chile and Bolivia. This marked the third time the U.S. intervened in Bolivia's maritime claim issue, following interventions by Hayes in 1880 and Kellogg in 1926.

Truman proposed a project to divert waters from lakes in the high mountains between Bolivia and Peru to create a fertile area on the western coast of South America for Chile and Peru. In exchange, Bolivia would be given a seaport on the Pacific Ocean. This idea was discussed with the president of Chile.

President Manuel Odría of Peru stated that the opinions expressed by the presidents of the United States and Chile were personal and emphasized the importance of Peru's involvement in any decision regarding the waters of Lake Titicaca, as per the 1929 treaty.

Negotiations between Bolivia and Chile, which began in 1948, abruptly ended when the Peruvian army did not accept the proposed solution for Bolivia's access to the sea. This marked a significant setback in the efforts to achieve a sovereign Bolivian coast on the Pacific Ocean.

In March 1952, the government of Bolivia, led by Hugo Vallivian, decided to repatriate the remains of Eduardo Avaroa, a hero of the Pacific War. The return of Avaroa's remains was marked by solemn ceremonies and emotional receptions along the journey to La Paz.

The 1929 Treaty created a deadlock for Bolivia, preventing it from resolving its territorial access to the sea. Despite negotiations with Chile and Peru, no definitive solution was reached, leading to a stalemate in discussions among the three countries involved.

Despite historical alliances and proximity between Bolivia and Peru, Bolivia faced challenges in finding common interests with Chile to resolve issues. Bolivia engaged in negotiations in 1975, 1987, and 1979, seeking reasonable solutions that have been denied. The governments of the Revolution Nacional focused on practical aspects like exporting Bolivian oil through Chile, leading to economic agreements in 1955.

In 1955, Bolivia and Chile saw official visits between Paz Estenssoro and President Ibañez del Campo, focusing on economic cooperation. The construction of the Sica-Sica Arica oil pipeline in 1957 facilitated Bolivian oil exports. Despite initial flexibility, Bolivia faced a diplomatic rupture with Chile over the Lauca River waters diversion issue.

Chile's diversion of Lauca River waters led to tensions with Bolivia, prompting diplomatic protests and actions. Bolivia's efforts through the OAS for a peaceful resolution were met with limited success, leading to Bolivia suspending its OAS membership in 1962. The diplomatic rupture in 1962 underscored Bolivia's stance on unresolved issues, particularly the maritime claim.

Bolivia's diplomatic relations with Chile were conditioned on resolving the maritime claim post the 1962 rupture. The international community recognized Bolivia's stance on the maritime issue, emphasizing the importance of addressing it for diplomatic normalization. The 1970s saw ideological shifts impacting potential resolutions, with alliances and changes in leadership affecting diplomatic possibilities.

Pinochet is experiencing strong international isolation, with worldwide condemnation of his government leaving Santiago completely isolated. Chile believes that establishing closer ties with Bolivia could change South American and international opinions. This led to a formal meeting between Pinochet and Vance at Charaña, resulting in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Bolivia and Chile after 13 years of interruption.

Despite efforts to restore diplomatic relations and find a solution to the maritime issue between Bolivia and Chile, progress was slow. In August 1975, Bolivia formally presented a proposal to Chile, suggesting the cession of a maritime coast with sovereignty, an autonomous regime for foreign trade operations in the port of Arica, and the possibility of a tripartite development pole involving Bolivia, Chile, and Peru. However, Chile's proposal of territorial exchange was rejected by Bolivia, leading to further complications in negotiations.

Pinochet's geopolitical stance, even before becoming president, indicated his firm belief that Bolivia had no real rights to the Atacama coast in the Pacific Ocean. He strongly defended the conquest rights obtained through the victory in the 1879 war. This stance made finding a solution with the Chilean dictator challenging, as he was unwavering in his position regarding Bolivia's maritime claims.

Chile proposed a territorial exchange to resolve the maritime issue, offering Bolivia a sovereign access to the sea near a major port like Arica. However, Bolivia's public opinion vehemently opposed this proposal, viewing it as unacceptable. The rejection of territorial exchange by Bolivia, along with Peru's ambiguous response, complicated the negotiation process and hindered any potential progress towards a resolution.

In 1978, Bolivia proposed the establishment of a shared territorial area in Arica, under the joint sovereignty of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. This area would be located south of the Peruvian-Chilean border, between the Concordia line, the Pan-American Highway, and the northern part of Arica.

In 1978, Bolivia officially severed diplomatic relations with Chile due to the unfeasibility of territorial compensation. Marcelo Quiroga Santa Cruz criticized General Banzer for playing with history and avoiding the political will to resolve the issue.

President Pinochet's actions towards Bolivia were influenced by Argentine pressure regarding the Ville canal, Peru's desire to recover captives before the Pacific War centenary, and Chile's international isolation.

In 1979, the OAS recognized the Bolivian maritime issue as a concern affecting the entire continent, emphasizing the need for resolution to promote integration in Latin America. This consensus highlighted the OAS as the competent body to address such problems.

Despite diplomatic success, Bolivia faced a setback with the violent coup on November 1, 1979, led by Guillermo Bedregal. This coup tarnished previous diplomatic achievements and hindered progress in resolving the maritime issue.

In 1986, President Paz Estensoro sought to improve relations with Chile to address the maritime issue. Despite Chile's agreements with Argentina and Peru, Bolivia aimed to find common ground for a sovereign access to the Pacific.

In 1987, Bolivia proposed a new negotiation for sovereign access to the Pacific, similar to previous proposals. The plan included a corridor from Bolivia's border with Chile to the Pacific, along the Concordia line bordering Chile and Peru, with alternative enclaves like Mejillones.

Peru adopted a neutral and expectant attitude towards Bolivia's presentation, while Chile was seen as playing games and not taking Bolivia's proposal seriously. There was a sense of dissatisfaction with Chile's response, with concerns that it might be more severe than in 1978. The need for legislative approval for any modification to the Peace Treaty signed with Bolivia in 1902-1909 was highlighted.

The Chilean Foreign Minister, Jaime del Valle, publicly dismissed the Bolivian proposal as a 'bucket of cold water,' indicating Chile's firm rejection. The lack of diplomatic tact and the perceived aggression towards Bolivia after presenting their proposal were criticized, with questions raised about the timing of Chile's opposition to negotiations with Bolivia.

There was a strong assertion of sovereignty and territorial integrity, with a refusal to entertain any compromises on territorial matters. The sentiment that no one can dictate terms or orders regarding territorial decisions was emphasized, with a clear stance that Chile will not sell or compromise its territory.

In 1992, Bolivia sought an alternative port to Arica for better negotiation conditions with Chile. The Mariscal Andrés de Santa Cruz agreement, signed by Jaime Pazamora and Alberto Fujimori, aimed to address Bolivia's need for a negotiating advantage. The historical significance of Hilo as a vital point for Bolivia's access to the sea was highlighted, with a call for serious consideration of the proposal.

The issue of the Silala spring waters, artificially channeled for consumption in northern Chile, emerged in the mid-90s. This led to a new confrontation between Bolivia and Chile, unresolved by the end of the 20th century. The granting of unlimited concession of Silala waters by the Potosí prefecture to the Antofagasta Bolivia railway company, and subsequent cancellation due to outdated usage, added to the tensions between the two countries.

In the late 1990s, Bolivia confirmed massive gas reserves totaling 52 trillion cubic feet, establishing itself as a major gas power in the subcontinent. This discovery became crucial for Chile, which desperately needed this resource, setting the stage for future negotiations.

President Ricardo Lagos of Chile initiated negotiations with Bolivia to address Chile's energy needs. A proposal was made to grant Bolivia a 600-hectare free trade zone for a gas liquefaction plant, enabling Bolivia to export gas northward by sea and allowing Chile to purchase gas. While sovereignty was not offered, Bolivia would have direct management in the free zone.

In October 2003, a social upheaval erupted in Bolivia, primarily due to opposition from figures like Evo Morales, Álvaro García Minera, and Jorge Alvarado against gas exports, especially to Chile. This opposition stemmed from a deep-rooted resistance to selling gas to Chile, leading to significant unrest and political turmoil.

Evo Morales, a key figure in the anti-gas export movement, proposed a commercial blockade against Chile and urged Bolivians to boycott Chilean products until their maritime claim was addressed. This action highlighted the strained diplomatic relations between the two countries.

President Carlos de Mesa Gisbert expressed solidarity with Bolivia's historical right to access the sea and called for a definitive solution to the maritime dispute with Chile. He emphasized the importance of dialogue and cooperation to resolve the issue for the benefit of both nations and the region.

Chile maintained that it had no outstanding issues with Bolivia and considered the maritime dispute resolved. Despite Bolivia's claims of lost territory and coastline, Chile asserted its commitment to fulfilling its obligations. The Chilean representative expressed disappointment at the lack of progress in resolving the longstanding conflict.

Bolivia vehemently desires the resumption of diplomatic relations, which will be realized once the existing problem is definitively resolved. The discussion today serves as evidence of the existing issue.

Emphasizing the importance of democratic principles, it is highlighted that winning or losing should occur within the framework of democracy, rejecting methods such as threats, blockades, intimidation, and idea suppression.

The upcoming referendum on July 18th is emphasized as a crucial event where the fate of Bolivia's gas resources will be decided, urging active participation and defense of individual votes.

Repeatedly stressing 'The gas is in your hands,' the significance of Bolivia's gas resources is highlighted as a pivotal factor in the country's future.

During the treaty signing ceremony for integration and cooperation, a Peruvian waltz composed for the occasion accompanied the proceedings, adding a cultural touch to the event.

Reflecting on Bolivia's persistent efforts post the 1904 Treaty, it is acknowledged that Bolivia has consistently pursued a legitimate and non-negotiable demand for free and sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean.

Despite facing complexities and challenges, Bolivia maintained a consistent foreign policy throughout the 20th century, focusing on the overarching goal of regaining free, sovereign, and useful access to the Pacific Ocean.

The unresolved historical claim of Bolivia for access to the sea, known as 'the paths to the sea,' remains a pertinent issue, emphasizing the ongoing quest for a reasonable resolution and historical justice.